(This article was written by Hermann Tertsch and appeared in El Debate. La farsa antifascista ya no funciona)
In the German state of Saxony, the new parliament and government will be voted on in September. Current polls give figures that keep the federal government and the German and European Union social-democratic elites from sleeping. Because, according to all of them, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party would win 35% of the vote and keeps growing.
Meanwhile the Social Democratic Party (SPD) of Federal Chancellor Olaf Scholz would get 6% and falling.
Faced with such a situation, the best idea that occurs to a part of the SPD and to the shrewd analysts of the “progressive” media — which since the era of Angela Merkel are already 98% of all the country’s media, with a uniformity that recalls terrible times — is that the party 36% of voters want to vote for must be banned, in order to prevent the disappearance of the one that has 6% and that perhaps is already at 3% today and without parliamentary representation.
It is true that in the AfD there are far-right elements. In some regions more than in others. Although, as a member of parliament from this party told me last week, “the radicalization is not taking place within the AfD but throughout German society.”
It is the betrayed voters of the big parties, both the CDU and the SPD, who increasingly join a party that has neither a leadership nor a very developed program but that defends the exact opposite of what the traditional parties are doing.
That is enough for more and more Germans. Because the massive impositions, restrictions and regulations of the social engineering advocated by the social-democratic majority of the two-party system of Berlin and Brussels has definitively led to the rupture of the consensus that, for better or worse, German society had maintained since the postwar period.
The sacrifices demanded of the population and the destruction that immigration, eco-climatic fanaticism and the consequent social, business and economic degradation have caused have already broken that basic agreement of the federal republic. “In Germany anything can now happen.”
That is why the political and media class and the big corporations that had adhered to the ideological drift imposed by parties initially in the minority on the two big ones, CDU and SPD, are in panic. And with the entire left in free fall, they pull out of their sleeve the option of a ban.
Fortunately there are still judges in Germany, as was said long ago after the Reichstag trial. There are also still jurists who are something more than the Bolaños gang that has invented cuddly terrorism.
They have already warned the public and political powers of the CDU/SPD/FDP and Green social-democratic consensus that trying to outlaw the AfD is going to cause them many more problems than it supposedly solves.
In the AfD there are ultra-rightists, but there are no terrorists, nor do they carry murderers on their lists, nor do they have convicted and pardoned coup-plotters, nor embezzlers, nor defendants accused of wanting to destroy the federal republic with the Kremlin’s help.
The German basic law has many defects, as has been seen in Germany itself and in all the countries that have gone on copying it, such as Spain.
As a principle it is inadvisable to copy the laws of defeated countries that are still partially or totally occupied, because they may have little respect for voters. And that is what happens with the party state, in which the guardians of the parties are protected from the opinions, options and real will of the people.
Those who ruled Germany when that text was drafted did not trust the German people much. The truth is that outlawing a party is difficult if it has not committed proven and serious crimes as an entity.
And although the German secret services devote themselves with relish to searching for such offenses on the government’s orders, the truth is that when they want to stir up sentiment, with the help of the media, against the AfD, they have to invent, exaggerate and manipulate some very peculiar stories. Whereby they demonstrate how weak their arguments are beyond the artificial “anti-fascist” hysteria that, through governmental channels, journalism is tasked with generating.
As has been the case with last weekend’s demonstrations, called by parties and media against the supposed “monstrous” conspiracy meeting of some “ultra-rightists,” among them two members of the AfD, who near Berlin were talking about the deportation of immigrants.
The meeting, which an obscure outlet — now known to live on official funding and to have fed on material from the intelligence services — has tried to present as “the secret Wannsee meeting,” when it was not at Wannsee and was private, not secret, in an obscene evocation of the Wannsee Conference at which in 1942 the Nazi leadership decided “the final solution,” the extermination of European Jews.
The truth is that while the media had tried to hide or minimize the massive farmers’ demonstrations for a whole week in an unprecedented mobilization, the pro-government demonstrations against the AfD were modest and did not exceed the usual left-wing ones.
And the AfD has kept rising, and a spectacular increase in memberships is being recorded of people who support the AfD out of rejection of the other parties and of everything Olaf Scholz’s three-party government does.
And Olaf Scholz’s government is a sleepwalking body that has neither objectives nor plans, nor agreements nor cohesion nor scarcely any hope of finishing the legislature. And European elections are coming in which, for the first time in history, a broad majority to the right of the socialist party is being forecast. In a parliament in which the European People’s Party will no longer have the pretext of having no alternative but to always vote with the left.
In the last Strasbourg plenary the People’s Party and the socialists went together in 94% of the votes. From June 9 on, the members of the EPP will have their existential dilemma open: whether they are going to vote with a broad right with the ECR groups (European Conservatives and Reformists) and ID (Identity and Democracy) or go definitively over to social democracy and accept the loss of parties and voters who do not want to follow them on that adventure.
Hence the German panic is being transferred to other capitals and also to Brussels. We are entering a new era and, of course, the social-democratic elites are not going to save themselves by banning the large majorities that are being generated in most European nations of very dedicated and active resistance against the leftist, eco-climatic hysterical drift of Agenda 2030, of woke fanaticism and anti-Western and anti-national fury.
If they attempt that path, a scenario of extensive civil conflict quickly opens up.
Hermann Tertsch is a Distinguished Fellow (Honorary) at the Gold Institute for International Strategy, a Washington D.C.-based foreign policy and defense think tank.
