The deliberate parallels between Iran’s new Supreme Leader and the ancient myth of the occulted Mahdi
By: Shamal Abdulla
The Shiite ideology is built on propaganda and widespread messaging. But that’s not all. The Shiite political thought is also deeply intertwined with historical events, framing every action by its followers as a divine act tied to historical precedence. It is worth noting that their leaders are exceptionally intelligent and shrewd at weaving these events together.
In order to understand the Shiite ideology, one must carefully examine the history of the myth-making behind this complex political theology. This is also essential to comprehend the current religious-political dynamics of the Shiite world under the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which in turn helps determine the best ways to engage with them. For the Shiites, what defines friendship and enmity is what actually benefits the myth behind the ideology, rather than the realities on the ground.
In the Shiite theology, the greatest meticulously constructed myth is believed to be the birth of Muhammad al Mahdi, the Twelver Shiite’s last Imam and the eschatological Mahdi, who will emerge at the end of time to establish peace and justice and redeem Islam. Due to the fact that the religious sect itself is fundamentally rooted in mythology, its architects have worked so masterfully that it is nearly impossible now to challenge the narratives. In other words, there has been no room left for the past factual events to be researched objectively.
While it is widely understood that the twelfth Imam of the Shiite Muslims is a descendant of Imam Ali and Fatima Zahra, the daughter of the Prophet of Islam, Shiites also trace his lineage back to Jesus Christ. Through his paternal lineage, his father, Hasan al-Askari, was a descendant of Imam Ali (the Prophet’s fourth successor, cousin, and son-in-law), which makes him the sole legitimate heir of the Islamic reign. Through his maternal lineage, however, Shiites believe Imam Mahdi is linked to Peter, one of Jesus’s disciples.
It is claimed by Shiite scholars that at the birth of Imam Mahdi, an aunt whispered into his ears verses 4 and 5 of Surah Al-Qasas from the Quran. The verses recount the story of Moses and the Pharaohs. However, some opposing scholars argue that Mahdi was never actually born, claiming that his father distributed his wealth among his daughters before his death. Some others suggest that Mahdi not only had several other sisters, but he had brothers as well.
With all that said, we can now better understand the ongoing myth-making process around the recently appointed Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Mojtaba Khamenei’s father is of Azeri descent, coming from a family identified as Sayyids, tracing their lineage back to the Prophet of Islam and Hussein ibn Ali. His mother, on the other hand, comes from a prominent Persian family in Mashhad. In the 1970s, due to his father’s political activities, the family was exiled to Iranian Kurdistan. It was during this time when Mojtaba completed his primary education in the Kurdish cities of Mahabad and Sardasht.
During US-Israeli strikes in February 2026 targeting his father’s headquarters, his spouse and a young daughter were killed as well. For the followers of the Shiite sect, the “martyrdom” of his family elevates his status and grants him more legitimacy to lead and rule the Shiite Muslims. The deliberate linking of these events creates a comprehensive Iranian figure out of Mojtaba Khamenei who is the true representative of what is known as the anti-Western “Resistance Axis.” Similar to Mahdi who was fashioned into a universal figure for all the regions and religions, Mojtaba Khamenei is also being transformed into a religious leader who hopes to symbolically unite all the diverse nationalities and sects in Iran.
Now, let’s examine the correlation between the awaited Mahdi and the missing Mujtaba.
No one has ever seen Mohammad al-Mahdi. According to some Shiite believers, he lived in the basement of the Samarra Mosque, hiding from the Abbasids, who were hunting down the descendants of the Prophet to eradicate the bloodline. The Abbasids themselves, however, had claimed Hashemite descent from the Prophet’s family, securing their ruling legitimacy from this lineage in order to control the Middle East for centuries through their own way of myth-making.
For 69 years during Mahdi’s hiding under the Samarra Mosque, four appointed individuals relayed his messages to the Shiite followers. This period is known as the Minor Occultation (Al-Ghaybah as-Sughra).
They would regularly visit Mahdi and return with instructions. Following the death of the fourth deputy, direct messages from the Imam ceased as no one was left to take the role. From then on, senior Shiite scholars started to guide the followers based on their own interpretations. This marked the beginning of the Major Occultation (Al-Ghaybah al-Kubra). Since then, the Shiites have hoped that Mahdi will one day fully return to liberate Jerusalem and Mecca from the hands of the “misguided and the Jews.”
Since the appointment of Mujtaba Khamenei, the leadership dynamic in Iran – in many ways – mirrors the Minor Occultation of Imam Mahdi. Mujtaba conveys his messages to the public through the Iranian President and other high-ranking officials. Occasionally he publishes written statements to give direction to his followers.
Just as Imam Mahdi hid out of fear of the Abbasids, Mojtaba Khamenei is supposedly forced to remain out of sight due to threats from the US and Israel as tensions between the sides continue. And just as the awaited Mahdi’s commands left no room for arguments, Mojtaba’s messages pass without opposition in today’s Iran and are executed to the letter.
The myth articulates that Mahdi’s primary mission upon his return is to bring the entire Middle East under his control and end the Jewish rule, which today is represented by the State of Israel. They claim that a group bearing black flags will emerge from Iran and Mahdi will lead them as they march toward Iraq and the broader region until they reach Jerusalem and liberate Al-Aqsa Mosque, and then expand their rule to Mecca and Medina, in today’s Saudi Arabia.
Similarly, if Mujtaba Khamenei survives the ongoing conflicts, he might emerge as the ultimate leader of the Shiites, who at least attempted to hurt Israel even if not controlling it. This has long been the desire of his father and Imam Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic in Iran. Many Shiite hardliners view the recent Iranian attacks on Israel and the Gulf countries as part of a bold move paving the way for the Mahdi’s return. This strategy aims to ultimately control the entire Middle East and impose the hegemony of the modern Iranian state.
Even if the claims that Mojtaba Khamenei is no longer alive turns out to be true, the myth-making machinery will continue to function seamlessly. Ultimately, he would be elevated to the status of a prominent Shiite Imam who spearheaded the war waged by Resistance Axis against the anti-Shiite forces. And finally, his legacy would serve as a beacon that all Shiite militias use for their identity of resistance. His name, after all, would become a powerful symbol for the Shiites to recruit youth and legitimize their conflict with the others.
In today’s Islamic Iran, no action is taken without a good reason that, in one way or another, is linked to the Shiite mythology. From the moment of the US-Israeli attacks on the former supreme leader’s headquarters, the foundations were laid for the new leader’s power and hegemony. And now, every move is designed to solidify this dominance and build the myth around the new leader. Consequently, every future friendship, enmity, and even alliance will be forged within the framework of this mythology.
Any country, political figure, or even investors and business leaders who wish to deal with this new era of Iran must understand and decipher these codes as it is critically essential for navigating and effectively engaging with the Iran of Mojtaba Khamenei.
Shamal Abdullah, currently serves as Editorial Director at Kurdistan Chronicle.
The views expressed are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Gold Institute for International Strategy.
